User:Simon Roberts
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Ngati kahu, Wairoa River, Bay of Plenty
Victoria University of Wellington
Site Analysis
Ngati kahu, Wairoa River, Bay of Plenty
See link for site analysis
Issues facing the Wairoa River Valley Catchments
The major issues facing the Wairoa River Valley catchments are complex and to a point intertwined at a glance they are:
The damage to the ecology of the river, which includes the threat to salt marshes, the wetlands and bird/animal life. The pollution of the river which is directly linked to the surrounding land use which is residential and Agriculture. The Agriculture in the area causes a build up of nutrients in the river causing the excessive growth of plant life effecting aquatic biodiversity. The agriculture also results in the damage of riparian areas.
Because of the immense population growth of the area sub division is rampant, this causes a number of conflicts. One, it affects the character of the area changing its once rural character to one of residential which only makes it easier to be developed. Two, because of the increase of hard surfaces it increases the grey water which ultimately ends up in the river, polluting it with oils and nutrients. There is also the loss of identification of important cultural elements such as old Pa sites.
Because of the pressure of development it puts increasing pressure on land owners with increased rates, and other associated costs. Forcing people to sell to developers fuelling the fire.
There is also economic pressure for the marae, because of the lack of incentive for marae members to remain active in the iwi and the wider community which causes a lack of cultural identity, posing a danger of the loss of indigenous knowledge by future generations. This can also create cultural conflict in the community.
Design Intent
I am proposing a regional based strategy that improves the ecology of the Wairoa catchment reducing the negative effects that surrounding land use has on the Wairoa River Catchment, ecologically and culturally.
Literature Review
The indigenous sustainability paradox and the quest for sustainability in post-colonial societies: Is indigenous knowledge all that is needed.
Maragia, Bosire. Georgetown International Environmental Law Review (2006)
This essay explores the growing popularity of indigenous knowledge as an alternative strategy for promoting sustainable development and questions the idea that abandoning science in favour of indigenous knowledge is all that post-colonial societies need for societies to eradicate poverty and environmental degradation.
The essay argues that it would be premature to conclude that these cultural, ecological and medicinal contributions imply that indigenous knowledge is capable of resolving the growing economic and environmental problems.
Sustainable development requires the successful implementation of three main categories which are economic, ecological, and social. It does not mean that achieving sustainability in one level automatically translates sustainability to the others. Sustainable development has been recognised as a fundamental principal in international environment law though its legal meaning is subject to debate.
Sustainable development seeks to harmonize environmental goals with environmental ones, with its popularity stemming from its wide range of interpretations and varied implementation. Because of different environments there isn’t just one method to achieving sustainability. This is where indigenous knowledge can be seen has being highly important to understanding the complex relationships the site posses, because of their intuitive knowledge base that they have developed.
The potential for indigenous sustainability to enhance human welfare, especially in developing countries could be overrated given that few policies exclusively tapping indigenous knowledge have been implemented and rigorously examined.
It would be premature to suggest that indigenous knowledge is capable of solving the growing economic and environmental problems, however Indigenous knowledge is a necessary ingredient but is not sufficient enough by itself to do this, it needs to be combined with new sciences and technologies because of the environments changing context.
Ethnic Tourism in Hokkaido and the Shaping of Ainu Identity.
Hiwasaki, Lisa. Pacific Affairs (2000)
One role which plays an important role in the representation of the Ainu people is ethnic tourism, which centres on tourist villages scattered across Hokkaido. Allowing the Ainu people to express themselves through the ethnic tourism.
Identities are negotiated through tourism and, in doing so show the diverse nature of identities that are established. An important venue through which they can express themselves. Tourism has been at best blamed for the invention of cultural traditions and at worst, accused of staging inauthentic events.
Examining tourism and the commoditisation of culture which can accompany it is necessarily a broad topic because it raises issues of political, economic and social relations. Commoditisation of culture can change relationships and ethnic identities.
Tourism can stimulate national and local economic growth and enhance the quality of life of those involved by creating employment from tourist-related services. It can serve as a means of cultural conservation. Ethnic tourism can bring international attention to the political claims of oppressed minorities.
Economically tourism has given Ainu a means of survival, politically has helped increase Ainu visibility in Japan. It has also played an important role in conserving certain aspects of traditional Ainu culture.
Art produced for tourists can be seen not only for commercial profit, but can be manipulated by the Ainu to make statements regarding their identity, as well as for their own cultural satisfaction.
Emphasis of Ainu’s co-existence with nature is a political tool and an important way for them to obtain the attention of wider society. This is because countries around the world have begun to be conscious about environmental problems and people have started to look at indigenous people’s ways of living to learn from their experience.
Danger of ethnic tourism does have the potential to highlight the indigenous people as being primitive if not observed and performed in the appropriate manner. With the indigenous people being controlled, producing stereo typical images thus reinforcing prejudice, for example only showing the traditions emphasising the primitive aspects of their culture, ignoring the long history of oppression and special cultural characteristics.
Tourism has been at best blamed for the invention of cultural traditions and at worst, accused of staging inauthentic events.
A famous Ainu performer looks back on his years singing and dancing in traditional costume for tourists as being a humiliating experience, a phenomenon of ethnic oppression in a world of tourism. Those involved with tourism are often looked down upon by fellow indigenous people, being seen as exploiting their culture and making a show of themselves.
“The earth is a genius’- (Statement used in the early nineties for advertising of Ainu tourism).
Developing indigenous Tourism: Challenges for the Guianas.
Sinclair, Donald. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management (2003)
This essay referees to an emergent tourism destination (Guianas) where the rules of how tourism is branded and run. This has been because of intense competition, forcing new players to demonstrate creativity and innovation, evolving tourism away from the ‘beach’. Recognising their natural resources, the diversity of flora and fauna and ancient indigenous cultures as the vase of development.
Complexity revolves around the operational-ism of ethnicity as a tourist attraction without inducing behaviours and postures that are demanding on the part of the tourist.
It is important to be sensitive to not allowing the indigenous people becoming the attraction per se, but that visits should offer tourists an understanding and appreciation of the lifestyles of them, the attraction not being the indigenous but the ‘indigenous-ness.’
The management of indigenous tourism on the ground must be driven by the principal of indigenous sovereignty over natural cultural resources that are the basis of the tourist experience. The community needs to be the involved in decisions concerning the duration, frequency, location of accommodation, etc. of visitors
Recognition of Aboriginal rights, interests and values in river research and management: Perspectives from Northern Australia.
Jackson, Storrs & Morrison (2004) Aboriginal people perceive land and water as equal’s components of country, and hold distinct perspectives on water relating to identity and attachment to place, environmental knowledge, resources security and the exercise of custodial responsibilities to manage interrelated parts of customary estates.
A large number of claims have been logged to different maritime elements and zones raising many complex legal questions about the definition of land and water under Aboriginal land rights act, the extent of jurisdiction offshore, definition of low water, and the nature of ‘property’ in the aquatic environment.
Cultural values are an important part of human concern, and can underpin a vibrant public mandate for conservation policy and sustainable regional development.
There is not a universal way of conceptualizing nature. Western law has treated water as a fluid element and, as a consequence, rights to water have been poorly defined. Whilst land, which is more fixed is more valued.
“…we were born in the bush; we know what we are talking about…” (Quote unknown)
Historically Aboriginal people have been marginalized from water resources decisions, and there is no agreed method for the incorporation of Aboriginal cultural values in social or ecological assessment of water allocation decisions. Aboriginal people have managed their water bodies and riparian areas for millennia. Relying heavily on these wetlands for food, cultural values and increasingly for economic independence.
Therefore it makes sense that there is a multidisciplinary approach to better understand the complexities of scoio -ecological systems and inform decision making and seek a form of interaction across cultures with parallel coexisting but with different ways of knowing.
Accurate and reliable information will be required to deal with a variety of management issues, such as invasive weeds for which there is no traditional experience. There is the need for negotiation between scientists and Aboriginals to reach a balance between different perspectives and interpretations.
Involvement of communities with a crucial stake in river and wetland management, especially those with culturally distinct landscapes perspectives, values and management aspirations, is a central tenet of sustainability for it’s engenders commitment to developing and achieving shared goals.
Planning for the Cultural Landscape.
Sims, Miranda & Thompson- Fawcett, Michelle. Whenau managing our resources (2000)
The relationship between people and the land provide Maori with a sense of cultural identity and belonging.
There is increasing pressure from development on the cultural landscape both physical and the associate values with it.
Landscape comprises of more what is physically observed. “Any landscape is composed not only of what lies before our eyes but what lies within our heads.” The landscape is a necessary part of an indigenous group’s sense of identity and common destiny, it is important that cultural landscapes are recognised and protected for the enhancement of their culture.
Cultural associations with the landscape can be enhanced through an improved planning system, ultimately strengthening Maori identity.
Maori environmental understanding and management ethic should form part of the vision for district planning. Ensuring recognition of indigenous values promoting environmentally sound and sustainable development. Integrating the holistic environmental outlook of Maori is worthwhile for contemporary resource management.
There has been a lack of specificity within the RMA regarding the protection of Maori cultural values due to varied and conflicting interpretations of legislation and a limited appreciation of how we deal with the sacredness of certain tribal information. There is wide support to bring a sharper focus to sections of the RMA concerned with Maori culture. Sacred sites are still being degraded indicates that the current liaison process between councils and iwi groups is not as effective as it should be.
To gain an understanding of indigenous environmental ethic one should begin with an understanding of the spiritual connections that Maori have with the natural landscape. Landscape provides a connection to their deities, their ancestors and their descendants.
For landscape planning to be adopted successfully at a local level there needs to be a purposeful attempt to persuade Pakeha to try and work towards sympathetic and authentic perceptions of Maori Values. Facilitate a partnership where collaborative management of natural resources would allow tribal groups to protect the cultural landscape values of their surrounding environment.
For Maori any practice detrimental to the environment will not only defile the environmental quality but will also damage the sacredness and life essence of the locality, illustrating the integration of the spiritual and the physical. It is realised by a majority the need for a meaningful consideration of Maori values in order to implement effective planning provisions. Maori belive there is inadequate provision for protecting cultural landscapes, the district plan has not been set up to incorporate iwi values.
At present consultation is the most common mechanism to give effect to protection of cultural landscapes. An inventory with the liaisons with Maori on resource consents and other developments in order to establish if there are any detrimental effects should be compiled which planners and landscape architects could access.
There would be benefits between Maori and Councils, a cultural landscape inventory could help empower Maori as a group within a community. Education will ease the implementation of future management strategies for cultural landscape protection. The identification of cultural landscapes, collaborative management and educating the public are all advantageous in the preservation of cultural landscapes.
“The planning system has an obligation to manage landscapes in a way that balances the natural, human and spiritual realms.”
Precedent Studies
(from left: Tourists on a boat observe a group of hippos; A tourist learns to weave baskets with village women in Kenya; School Children Walk Through Cloud Forest, Monteverde, Costa Rica; Adventure tourist hiking in the Galapagos) - [1]
Poyang Lake Basin, China
Geographic Location Poyang Lake Basin is situated between 28° 11’ – 29° 1’ N longitude and 115° 49’ – 116° 46’ E latitude. It varies from 12-18 m above sea level, on the south shore of the Yangtze River, in the northern part of Jiangxi Province.
Background Poyang Lake Basin is composed of the largest fresh water lakes in a near-natural state in China, marshes, wet grassland and alluvial floodplains. The site has incredible diversity of both flora and fauna, hosting over 100,000 waterbirds including several endangered species, such as the Siberian, Hooded and Eurasian Cranes, Great Bustards, White Storks, Chinese Merganser, and theLesser White-fronted Goose. The entire wetland area of the Poyang Lake Basin covers ~390,000 ha.
Up to 98% of the world population of the Siberian Crane winters in Poyang Lake Basin; other endangered species, such as White-naped Crane, Hooded Crane, Oriental White Stork, and numerous waterbirds also use the lake as their main wintering ground. The site has a rich fish fauna that provide adequate food resource for waterbirds. The average annual rainfall is 1426mm, with the highest amount of precipitation occurring from April to June (47.4% of annual rainfall).
Conservation Status Different portions of the basin have varying protection status. Poyang National Nature Reserve Part comprises approximately 5% of the total area of the basin, but there are several Provincial Level nature reserves within the basin and project area: Nanjishan PNR, Duchang PNR and Qinglanhu PNR.
Over-fishing and over-grazing seriously affect food resources and breeding and roosting habitats for waterbirds as well as the entire wetland ecosystem. Illegal poaching affects bird populations, farming activities lead to reduction of the available habitat for the Siberian Crane and other migratory birds, human population pressure and poor education add to the negative impact on the migratory birds and their habitats, making difficult wildlife protection and management activities. The effects of the Three Gorge Dam on the hydrology and ecology of the lake system are not clear at present, but an applied research programme and long-term monitoring will be carried out at this site to assess impacts and recommend mitigation measures, if required.
Objectives The project aims to extend the network of protected areas within Poyang Lake Basin, including the upgrading of Nanjisan Provincial NR to a national level reserve, and establishment of new nature reserves within the basin by the end of the project period. Work is also being conducted to increase the network of County-level Protection Stations in order to improve monitoring and management outside the existing protected areas. The holistic management of the lake basin will be developed through the completion of a Master Plan for the lake basin, supported by a basin level management committee and centralized data stored in a GIS. Improved waterbird monitoring capacity and regular surveys will upgrade information on the conservation values. Following on the experience of the WWF’s Living Yangtze Project, the SCWP will assist community development pilot projects in association with a wetland restoration project (to restore former farmlands back to wetland).
The ecological goals of the project are to stabilize or increase the populations of cranes and other large waterbirds within Poyang Lake Basin through appropriate management measures, and to clarify the relationships between water levels, waterbird food plants and waterbird distribution as an aid to management.
Uluru - Kata Tjuta Cultural Centre
Location
Located one kilometre to the south of Uluru in central Australia, Uluru-Kata Tjuta Aboriginal Cultural Centre is intended to be a meeting place where the Anangu people of the western desert, the traditional custodians of the national park, can share their stories and traditional laws with visitors to the national park. Twenty two mammal species, 150 bird species, and many arid reptiles, including the second largest lizard in the world, the perentie, inhabit Uluru National Park.
The Design
The design intends to captures the distinctive qualities of the desert and the culture of the Mitijulu people. Acting as a hub for ethnic tourism by the Mitijula people. Architect Gregory Burgess spent a month with the Mititjulu people, the community of Anangu who live adjacent to Uluru, who explained through stories, song and dance, their culture and landscape. A brief was developed and through sketches in the sand and then paintings, the group developed a design consisting of two sinuous undulating buildings around a central courtyard.
On Offer
An example of this is through a small company called Anangu Tours offering small, exclusive group tours, hosted by local Aboriginal guides. They offer a unique insight into Anangu history, knowledge, lifestyle and the Tjukurpa of Uluru. Reservations and inquiries can be made at the Anangu Tours Desk in the Resort Tourist Information Centre, or contact them directly.
The cultural centre also acts to brings together the work of hundreds of artists from their homelands and communities in the western desert. Traditionally crafted tools and exciting new art forms (animal carvings, paintings, jewellery, woven grass baskets), express the ongoing and vital strength of Anangu culture while being able to watch crafts people at work and purchase a unique piece of punu (woodwork).
At the Cultural Centre you can get an introduction to Tjukurpa (law, knowledge, religion, philosophy), Anangu art, Anangu way of life (traditional and current), history, languages, wildlife and joint management of the Park. [3]
Within the bounds of appropriate access, Anangu want visitors to understand how they interpret this landscape through Tjukurpa/Wapar, and believe it will enhance their experience. Anangu explanations of the Park's landscape form the core of interpretive materials prepared for visitors.
ARARECO-Sierra Tarahumara region of Chihuahua, Mexico
The Arareco Tourist Development Project is an initiative to make Arareco a major tourist center, providing employment for its residents and income for the community. This chapter describes the ejido setting, the project, and how outside-assistance is relevant to the ejido. The four issues outlined in the previous chapter are used to illustrate project effects.
Outside-Assistance
The Commission for Solidarity and Defense of Human Rights (COSYDDHAC) is the primary agent in the planning, implementation, and current administration of the project. The Commission was founded in 1990 by a Catholic bishop interested in human rights issues involving the Raramuri
When the Raramuri became engaged in a struggle over land with the government. At that time, the Ministry of Agrarian Reform produced a document with Raramuri signatures indicating the abandonment of ejido land around Lake Arareco, a popular sightseeing and camping destination. The 144 Raramuri residents of the lake area were informed by an "Act of Dislocation" document that the ejido land by the lake was to be opened for outside investment unless they attended a crucial hearing in Chihuahua City.
An organisation called COSYDDHAC became involved and helped to organize over 300 Raramuri to storm a legislative session in Congress. Consequently, the governor of Chihuahua revoked the Act and promised the Raramuri the right to keep their land. Six months later, the Arareco Tourist Development Project, with COSYDDHAC as its main proponent, was implemented.
One key component of this argument revolves around the control of money; in particular the $1.3 million grant. This money is designated for infrastructure and planning. Access to this. It is unclear how these "leaders," who are primarily lake residents, were elected.
Economic Development
Since the inception of the project, some physical development has occurred but most of it is loosely planned for the future. These plans have expanded and changed since the project began. For example, the earliest Arareco tourist brochures emphasize the desire to provide small tourist services such as boat rental. Later brochures stressed building roads, a museum, expanding the tourist lodge, and opening a restaurant. More recent pamphlets, however, mention the importance of improving running water and providing latrines for the community. It is unclear what the project's priorities are and how all these sometimes discordant goals will be realized.
In addition to being confusing, the economic plans for Arareco are uneven. Most tourist development is planned for the lake area while the rest of the ejido will remain relatively untouched. The benefits, including infrastructure and employment, therefore, go to the 30 or so families who live near the lake. It is questionable how the other 370 families will benefit "indirectly". The development planned for the ejido community, such as roads and electricity, need initial capital and maintenance. However, a great amount of investment is needed to establish the tourism facilities around Arareco, maintain them, and provide for those residents. Many residents interviewed feel that the project planners had no intention of "developing" the ejido at all, but merely to enlarge the tourist facilities around Lake Arareco.
Tourist Attractiveness
There are many elements of the modern world in the Raramuri culture, but they retain enough traditional attributes to be distinct and therefore attractive to the ethnic tourist. However, the more exceptional aspects of the Raramuri culture have been overemphasized in the tourist literature, brochures, and newspaper accounts. Therefore, tourists often visit Raramuri ejidos, such as Arareco, with certain expectations in mind. When these expectations are not met or not replaced with a pleasing alternative, tourist attractiveness declines.
Tourists' initial reaction to Arareco's Tourist Project was a negative one. Even before any physical evidence of change, tourists were complaining about the project idea. The project, as indicated through brochures, was to provide services for visitors and improve the standard of living for its residents. With basic needs met in Creel, most tourists interviewed said that they do not want additional services in Arareco. By improving the Raramuri standard of living, tourist attractiveness also decreases because it is the very low standard of living (called "traditional" here) that tourists expect and come to see. Without even visiting the ejido, tourists are detracted by these two goals and opt to visit Raramuri ejidos that do not have development projects.
While Arareco's brochures emphasize that the project is an expression of the determination of the Raramuri, many tourists see the Raramuri as "selling out" and becoming incorporated in the modern economy. Part of the Raramuri's attractiveness is the history of their resistance to modernity and their retention of traditional ways. The determination described in the brochures does not ring true to what tourists think Raramuri determination should be which might be a rejection of a project. To make matters worse, the influence of outsiders is apparent.
Inter-ethnic Relations
Inter-ethnic relations, in this case, refer to the relations between the indigenous Raramuri and their mestizo neighbors. Many who say they are of Raramuri extraction identify themselves as mestizo. A relationship exists because the two groups share land boundaries and the tourism industry. The mestizos, located near the rail lines, bus stops, and larger population centers, are primarily the tranporters and lodgers of the tourists. In contrast, the Raramuri serve as the attraction, the supplier of crafts, and the residents of the landscape that tourists want to visit. Because the mestizos in Creel have influence in directing tourists to certain areas, it is to the advantage of Raramuri individuals and communities to enter into cooperative relationships with these neighbors.
Those tourists who did not want to pay for tours were given directions on how to walk to the ejido because the mestizos still profited by having the tourists use Creel as their base of exploration. Raramuri families live close to the four main tourist sites in Arareco: San Ignacio mission, Lake Arareco, the Valley of the Monks, and Recohuata hot springs. Tourists were frequently brought by the tours directly to the doors of the Raramuri who would then sell their crafts, give tours of their homes, and offer their services as guides. The tourists would then complete their "tour" by visiting the mission, hiking to the Valley of the Monks, or strolling around the lake. At the hot springs, Raramuri boys and men waited for tour groups at the edge of the canyon where they were then paid by the mestizo drivers to lead the tourists down to the hot springs. The mestizos clearly had the economic advantage in this relationship, even though they were dependent on Raramuri help and, indeed, their very existence. The Raramuri, recognizing the economic power of the mestizos, entered relationships because they saw it as a way to keep from being totally exploited.
Relationships between mestizos and Raramuri have changed with the tourist project, particularly in regards to access. On April 6 1992, there was much confusion within the mestizo community, especially among those involved in tourism, when tour vans and walking tourists began to be stopped at the entrance roads to the ejido and asked to pay an entrance fee. Tours were redirected to ejidos which had lower or no fees and cooperative relationships were forged or continued with individual Raramuri living outside of Arareco.
Community Cohesiven
Community cohesiveness is the maintenance of relationships among a people who are bound by common characteristics. Before the tourist project there were considerably more similarities among Arareco ejido residents than after the project began. These differences, aggravated by an outside-assisted tourist project, have affected community cohesiveness.
A rift developed between the genders when the men's new income opportunities associated with the project began to interfere with the women's already established craft trade. Since long before the project started, the women of Arareco have been making dolls, baskets, yarn belts, and purses. They often sold their crafts directly from their homes or along the paths where tourists would walk. Sometimes, the women carried crafts into Creel, selling them in stores or on the street, but they preferred to stay close to home. Men had relatively lesser roles in tourism. Although some would assist in craft production (such as carved-dolls and instruments), most engaged in agriculture or odd jobs in Creel.
Since project implementation, the flow of tourists has decreased. The tourists who do enter the ejido do not buy as many crafts as they did before. Many of the women said that the high entrance fee keeps the tourists from spending so freely within the ejido. In order to sell crafts, a trip to town is no longer optional for women and their children but a necessity. Unfortunately, there is more competition for selling native crafts in Creel than there was in Arareco. Not only do the Arareco residents have to compete with the several handicraft stores, but also with Raramuri women from other ejidos. This has caused craft prices to be driven down. Meanwhile, the new employment opportunities generated by the project were primarily given to men. These jobs included fee-collection, construction, and running the rental services.
While some blame for the women's situation could be placed on the tourists and the mestizos, as well as the project and COSYDDHAC itself, the women blame the men. Because the project was voted upon in the all-male ejido council-women were excluded from participating. Few of the jobs and none of the decisions were given to the women. Women, therefore, had little to do with the project and distrust the use of potential income that the men control. According to many of the women in Arareco, the money from craft-selling goes to feeding and clothing the family while the men's income is frequently not as well spent. Alcohol abuse is a visible problem among the men and many women interviewed believe that the project supports their alcoholism.
Another disagreement developed, one between those who benefit directly from the project and those who do not. This division is particularly sharp between the Raramuri who live near or around Lake Arareco and those who live in more remote locations. Inequalities soon became apparent as the lake residents began constructing and working on project facilities which were based at the lake.
Conclusion
There are many consequences and unforeseen results of the Arareco Tourist Development Project. Economic development has been inconsistent and unequal in distributing benefits while tourist attractiveness has decreased partly from these same development plans. The inter-ethnic relations between the Raramuri and mestizos have been damaged as a result of this project and Arareco is therefore suffering from this lack of cooperation. The community of Arareco is less cohesive because the project has re-distributed benefits, disrupting gender roles and relations, redistributing income along gender lines, or allowed some to earn over others, like at Lake Arareco.
Green hotels and eco-lodges
What is a green hotel?
A green hotel is one that considers environmental aspects in all areas of operations, including building management, guest services, and dining.They include:
- energy management (building efficiency and conservation measures)
- waste management (avoiding hazardous waste, and promoting the 3 Rs -- reduction, re-use, and recycling)
- food preparation (providing organic, bioregional, and vegetarian options)
Green Magic Nature Resort In Kerala With Treehouses and Eco-lodges
500 acres of pristine verdant tropical rainforest. A totally dedicated Eco-lodge and ethnic houses built on trees with all basic facilities. Access to the Tree House (86 feet above from the ground level) by an indigenous cane lift is worked by a unique counter weight of water. Food is prepared from fruits and vegetables grown in the organic farm without any chemical fertilizers or pesticides. Where nature has been blissfully preserved, spared of devastating urbanization. Its natural beauty kept intact, its natural springs not polluted. Its emerald forest afire with scented blossoms, a hundred varieties of tree ferns, mosses and flowering plants, flamboyant colored butterflies and birds.
Design
The Nature Resort is designed with ethnic materials using local craftsmen, local materials and indigenous techniques used by the early inhabitants. The tribals are extensively involved with the construction and maintenance of the Nature Resort. Visitors may choose to explore a number of walking trails, each promising a different adventure. These trails are made carefully so as not to disturb the surroundings. The choice is wide from climbing to hiking across places of exceptional beauty observing indigenous fauna or exuberant vegetation.
Energy Source The energy source is a unique combination of Solar energy, Gober gas from cow dung and Hurricane lamps with kerosene. Avoiding the conventional electricity and power from diesel generators, thus preventing air pollution and noise pollution
Future Readings
Effective exclusion, Parks, Geoff. Waitangi Tribunal Publication (2001)
Theatre Country: Essays on landscape & whenua. Parks, Geoff.
Whenua: Managing our resources. Kawharu, Marata
Landscape, Sijmons, Dirk, Architectura + Natura (2002)
The Mesh Book: Landscape Infrastructure¸ RMIT (2004)
Work Schedule
Week One 10-16 July Begin researching theory for hand in, site analysis. Develop a position
Week Two 17-23 July
Stage One hand in
Analyse position through research
Week Three 24-30 July
Fieldtrip to Wairoa River (Wed 26th- Sun 30th)
Week Four - Five 31 July - 11 August
Update Site Analysis on wiki
Master Plan
Develop spatial understanding of site
Clarify and understand design position
Stage Two hand in
Week Six, - Eight 14 August - 3 September
Fine tune Master Plan
Another site visit while on break
Edit analysis
Week Nine 4 - 10 September
Work on developed design
Choose a focus area
Week Ten 11 - 17 September
Work on communication of design
Stage three hand in
Week Eleven 18 - 24 September
Research construction technologies
Decide what to aspect of design to draw construction
Week Twelve - Thirteen 25 September - 1 October
Fine tune any issues
Construction drawings
Bind work
Week Fourteen 9 - 15 October
Stage four hand in
Really start concentrating on communication
Week Fifteen 16 - 22 October
Presentation
Week Sixteen 23 - 29 October
Submit final hand in.
Practice presentation
Contacts & Mentors
Daniel and members of Ngati Kahu
Tauranga City Council
Cheryl Robilliard
Parks and Open Spaces Ltd
Email: cheryl@pos-mgmt.co.nz
Clive Anstey
Corydon Consultants Ltd
Email: c.anstey@paradise.net.nz
Te Pio Kawe
Boffa Miskell cultural advisor
Email:tepio.kawe@boffamiskell.co.nz
