Dovey, Kim

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On Politics & Urban Space

Dovey, K. 2001. On Politics & Urban Space In Debating the City, edited by J Barrett and C Butler-Bowdon, 53-67. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales.

The investigation of the relationship between democracy and public space through two main dimensions: democratic action in public space and the democratic production of public space. Democratic action (free speech, political resistance) in public space has not ceased due to mass media but it has changed. Explored through two scenarios in Asian cities where with the aid of mass media democratic action (becoming civil disobedience) occured. They both outline the importance of public space for democracy. The democratic production of public space is becoming harder with private investmnent creating public space, underlying investment issues for the private developer. Explored through three projects in Melbourne that are privatly constructed but are in public space. Outlines the blur due to projects like these of private and public space - is it public if you are paying to see it or be there. Watering down democracy - 'Urban design takes a step forward while democracy takes a step back' - may be fine now but whose interest is public space being designed for and ultimately what is this going to do to the city? Democracy although important but certainly not sufficient, for the production of public space.

Points

• Investigate the public/private discussion further
• Designing with an iconic public place. Does this mean there is even more important to design with democracy in mind?
• What design tools can control public without signs saying do not do this or that?

Framing Spaces - Mediating power in built form

Dovey, K. 1999. Framing Spaces - Mediating power in built form. London: Routledge

Chapter Two: Program

Starts by discussing 3 social theorists thoughts. Habitus is discussed as to refer to the ‘complex net of predispositions into which we are socialized at an early age… The habitus is a set of practical taxonomies, divisions and hierarchies which are embodied in the everyday lifeworld of experience and action.’ Pg18

From the concepts of social theory (re-visit if necessary pg 17-20) this chapter moves to spatial analysis. Investigated is space syntax analysis. Three models are looked at, although all referred to in a cellular scenario of interior rooms of a building. (The following becomes greatly concerned with control. This is in regard to architectural form, eg. allowed doorways, number of doorways etc.) These are:

• Linear Syntax
• Looped or Ringy Syntax
• Fanned or Branching Syntax

Sourced from: Pg 21, Chapter Two, Framing Places - Mediating power in built form, Dovey,K

The maps of these are not accurate physical maps, they map the spaces equating a value. A deeper structure requires the traversing of many segments/spaces. To cross all of these means one has higher rank to cross through many boundaries and controls.

Ringiness vs Control: The looped syntax allows many options for pathway. Many pathways and little control. The linear or fanned syntax’s control circulation and social interaction in certain key spaces. The degree of control a cell is given is then determined by the degree to which access to other cells must pass through it.

Linear Structure

• provides for spatial narrative with very strong control

Fanned Structure

• gives access to many cells through one segment of control

Ringy Structure

• many possible pathways, diverse encounters. the flow of life through space is loosely controlled.

In arch this breaks down to create two controls; those between the inhabitants and those between the visitor and inhabitant. eg. domestic case. space segmented along age and gender. eg. bedroom separate adults from children enabling sex between adults but constrain it from children. Constraints between visitor rooms and inhabitants room exist. eg dining room closed off from hallway with bedroom off it.

Cellular analysis is great but how do we operate when we are not in a cellular environment; eg Cathedral Square.

‘If grounded in a broad range of current social theories, space syntax analysis has the potential to revolutionize architectural programming’ Pg27 Would an analysis of current programme not be necessary here also?

‘The prospect is to build a more critical context within which one might judge the spatial construction and reproduction of social practices.’ Pg27 Would the critical context not become my site?

Points

• Start to think and create models of spatial Syntax analysis specific to the site. New parameters need to be established involving social interaction in the site. Move past the cellular model as this cannot (most likely) apply to our site.

Chapter Three: Text

An intense chapter that was hard reading. Covers representation in built form. Investigates Deconstruction closely before returning to the work of Bourdieu (chapter two)and exploits symbolic representation with references to art work and attempts to make a connection to architecture.

Using art work as the medium - people either understand it or they do not. That divides us into social groups? Or at least there is 'social distance'. Classes will pursue aesthetic strategies in an attempt to distinguish themselves from the class below and pull themselves closer to the class above. (maybe to a point but how much effect does this have on our social order? does bigger life issues like income, job title, area of town lived in not determine social status more?)

Within art there are variences in the complexity of the understanding of it. complex/simple; difficult/easy; formal/functional; original/reproduction; unique/common. Pg 37 So the complex, difficult, formal, original and unique are providing a harder art form to understand creating distinction if it is understood by one but not by another.

Within architecture this creates a dominated if its understood and the dominant if its higher in complexity.

This has become challengable with these values (complex/simple; difficult/easy; formal/functional; original/reproduction; unique/common) being inverted. These are parralleled in architecture by deconstructive designs which look unfinished or under collapse - attempts to defy the alliance of architecture with authority and social order. Yet Bourdieu's point is that the radical aesthetic can achieve success within the field only as already constituted. Thus the urinal [on display as sculpture] becomes 'unique' when framed for contemplation, the blank canvas [as art] becomes 'difficult' as a painting. Pg 37

Points

• it is hard now to put this into the design stage I am up to but once spatial design has been accomplished this will be a chapter of principles worth revisiting to strengthen the implied power within the design that will possibly be present within my work.

Chapter six: Hidden Power

This chapter is about the Forbidden City in Beijing in which the powers of China were hidden, the reasons for them being hidden and the hierarchy of the Forbidden City. It then moves to the construction of Tiananmen Square during the 1948 revolution, the symbolics of it and buildings and monuments within it being for the people right up to the 1989 protest. It also covers the the square itself being challenged into a forbidden space, even though it was for the people.

• Tiananmen Gate (involved with both the Forbidden City and Tiananmen Square) became a symbol, appearing on coins and banknotes. It became a symbol of the revolution of the 1950’s, an emblem of the new state.
• The Forbidden City worked on a north-south axis. A boulevard that runs east-west across the entry to the Tiananmen Gate was enlarged and extended. This new primary axis challenged the old north-south axis. This created a new centre of power at the intersection of these two axis. Can chch work like this. Not as a political stronghold of power but the axis coming into the square can make this a centre of place, entailing small power (less dramatic than Beijing)
• Tiananmen Square was to be square of the people, without walls, corners or rank markers 9all of which existed within the Forbidden City.
• The north-south axis that the Forbidden City’s power was built upon was blocked by an obelisk, locating Tiananmen Square as a centre of power, not a pathway to it. Chch has the Cathedral as its obelisk. The interruption to the axis to stop people could be viable but in pragmatic issues cathedral square is successful as a thoroughfare so be aware of blocking out either n-s or e-w axis.
• The reading goes onto explain the 1989 protest.

Points

• The protest was involving political issues that will possibly never exist in New Zealand, if they do then Wellington as the capital will probably be the city it occurs. But we can apply principles from this extreme example to urban design.
• A public space (’the people’s space’) can become forbidden. With rules and regulations of what can happen within the space and overload of surveillance (cameras and security guards) a pressure can be created stopping the ‘people’ from going there, making it forbidden. In chch this is more likely to be regarded as a dead space. Can design implement some of these (not all) needed restrictions and maintain public interest and interaction? and if we are going to have these restrictions so to speak does that not mean the square needs programming to restrict to? If programmes are invested into the square does this make it less a public/democratic space as we cannot apply programme to a whole population?
• Is public control moving to an enclosed system such as the shopping mall? Even with the controls that are implied on one within today’s shopping mall, are they worth having implied upon you for the trade-off of convenience? A lot of people would say yes. Does this person realise what urban and civic qualities are lost within the mall? does that mean anything in today’s society and way of living?

Chapter Seven: Traces of Democracy

This chapter reveals the structure and birth of British parliamentary democracy at Westminster. It moves onto describe the spatial structure of the temporary parliament house in Canberra, depicting how the structure allowed a strong mix (due to its ringy structure) between the media, public and people whom worked within the building.

The new parliament building is described spatially offering a new and different approach to that of the temporary building. The landscape within the building sits is analysed and representation is discussed as a fair representation of Australia as a nation. The representation vs spatial structure becomes contradictory.

Temporary Parliament Building

• Described as an intimate place, where ‘ministers, back benchers, staff and media cannot escape one another.
• An informal rule was made due to this mix atmosphere and interviews happened on the front steps and not in the corridors, the stairs became a ‘ceremonial site for-making proclamations and receiving dignitaries’.
• What made this building not function as a great parliamentary place allowed it to have a democratic function where upon any remark made by a politician could potentially be on the evening news that same day and the talk of the nation the next day.
• In short the corridor, reception area and steps were nobodies space and therefore were everyone’s. And as the spatial analysis from the same chapter reveals the person who worked there had little to no escape, and definitely no escape from the building without passing through the spaces that were ‘everybodies’.
• This structure reflected open and optimistic democracy with the PM and cabinet only having a slight advantage in the spatial structure. Who needs a spatial advantage in Cathedral square? church? maybe no one?
• This building allowed a flow of information, avoiding autocracy.

Spatial analysis of Canberra temporay Parliament House, Kim Dovey, Chapter 7

The new Parliament House and landscape

• The new parliament house tries to celebrate democracy but has a autocratic function through spatial layout and access. This is through the segregation of the people of this building. there are 4 entrances for the executive 9ministers), the senate, house of representatives and then the public.
• A new control over media contact became with these new entrances, allowing the cabinet ministers to enter with secrecy or if they chose in the public light up through the public entrance where interviews were still conducted.
• ‘A survey of the press found that a majority felt that the building had caused an increase in the power of the Executive’. This was due to the spatial syntax of the building allowing planning and scheming to be carried out in privacy from both public and opposition parties. Moving away from democratic values in a large manner.
• landscape
• The building is located on an axis of Burley Griffin’s urban design. In this design this hill was to be for the people.
• The entrance of the building is narrative of the Australian people and nation and landscape. Red gravel plaza firstly (red desert) looking down the axis towards the mountain and war memorial (ancestors). A large Aboriginal mosaic is encountered in a large pool (Aboriginal Australia) before the building entrance containing the forecourt in Greek and Egyptian architecture (entering earth). The main entrance also is symbolic of the colonial verandah framing the view back over the (Aboriginalized) landscape. beyond the verandah lies marble columns (reception hall of the temporary parliament house) which doen’t really work as the element as the politicians are not present.
• Due to the spatial segregation (analysis from the same chapter) the public (tourist as could be considered) pass through this symbolic series of spaces but thats about it. The ‘Great Hall’ is empty as politicians have no real need to be there so the public see the reflective pool which reflects the other side of empty room. Throwing coins into this pool is interesting as a show of ‘what?’ from the public. the intentions of this pool is poetic and maybe appropriate in this space but the ’space’ fails so who cares.
• nowhere on this site can the public go to voice political issues and the coins are about as close as one can get.
• The top of the building consists of a pyramid type structure but this helps the building become citadel (fortress like, overlooking the city).
• ‘The practices and representations of democracy have been segregated in a contradictory building which is at once ‘for the people’ and also a systematic exclusion of them. It turns citizens into tourists and builds them a semiotic park where they consume landscape, Aboriginality, European civilisation and democracy in a narrative sequence. This construction of the path of progress from Aboriginaliy to civilisation has not escaped attention. In a resistant gesture, the Aboriginal artist of the forecourt mosaic has removed a central stone to de-authorize the work. The forecourt has become an iconic centre of power, featured on television news.‘ It would have to be agreed that representation of democracy in overiding its practices. Can we design democratically? the cathedral square does not have these serious political issues so avoiding the seriousness of it possibly but then this weakens a design for the democratic?

Spatial analysis of Canberra Parliament house, Kim Dovey, Chapter 7

Ü

Chapter Eleven: On the move

Local/Global - Jen

Globalization incorporates a range of accelerating effects on urban form. Effects of globalization on urban form...generalized tension between local and global forces both cultural and economic. Local culture is embedded in a community of face to face communication and infused with rituals of everyday life and collective memory. Local places develop a 'local character' based in these differences and are layered with a combination of landscape, architecture and urban form.

Globalization does not simply iron out the differences between cities it also simulates them. Thus globalization produces urban projects that have a global/local tension written into them. Urban marketing requires civic imagery which can identify places and cities as different products. In particular this stimulates the market for iconic imagery embedded in 'signature' projects which signify a 'sense of place' for global consumption. The quest for the worlds tallest building is part of this discourse as the city becomes part of the set for the 'world stage.' The Manhattan skyline, Westminster, the Eiffel tower and the Sydney opera house all set standards of urban iconography. Like corporations without icons cities without logos are not in the market.

Democracy - private and public interests are deliberately fudged.

Boundaries between natural/artificial and imaginary/real. The spontaneous and authentic diversity of urban life makes way for the comodified version of the same thing. History becomes a product which is packaged and consumed; a symptom of the crisis is prescribed as a cure for nostalgia.

Public planning documents begin to resemble advertisements for theme parks as real strategic planning is done by private corporations. Since globalisation undermines local democracy and does so under the veil of commercial secrecy, this undermines the perceived legitimacy of the state.